From OregonLive.com October 26, 2010 .In this dark and difficult election year for Democrats, incumbent Sen. Patty Murray could very well be the only thing standing between Republicans and GOP control of the U.S. Senate.

It’s a long shot requiring Republicans to add 10 seats. But with pollsters and campaign experts predicting a Republican “tsunami” up and down the ballot in November, even an improbable chance seems dangerous to Democrats.

All of which explains the tense and hard fought battle in Washington between Murray and Republican Dino Rossi and why the election is unavoidable to anyone in Portland with a TV.

Murray focuses on the benefits — and dollars — she’s brought to Washington state. She rarely goes 10 words without mentioning her efforts to help the middle class. When prodded, she speaks of the power she wields as the No. 4 official in the Senate Democratic leadership. It’s a strategy that’s worked well in a state where people still remember Warren Magnuson, Slade Gorton and Tom Foley, all senior lawmakers with enormous clout.

Rossi’s main argument is that Murray has lost her way. “Eighteen years has completely changed Sen. Murray,” Rossi told reporters Monday. “I believe she went there with good intentions, but she’s not the same person we sent there.”

Like most Republicans this year, Rossi promises a hard line on spending, though he’s thin on specifics beyond calling for an end to “earmarks,” in which lawmakers direct federal money to specific projects. At the same time, he supports permanently extending all of the Bush-era tax cuts, including those for the wealthiest Americans.

Earmarks, Rossi said, are akin to “buying a vote.” The charge is a direct hit at Murray who, as a senior member of the Appropriations Committee, has brought huge amounts of federal spending to her state.

Murray does not apologize for that. She talks about cleaning up the Hanford Nuclear Reservation and trying to get a new bridge across the Columbia River. She mentions the money she’s attracted for veteran’s hospitals and the state ferry system and her strident support for all things Boeing.

Voters “want somebody (in Washington D.C.) who will advocate for them,” she says. “They don’t want somebody who votes down the line of the Republican National Committee.”

She also defends the controversial health care reform bill and stimulus spending.

“I’m doing exactly what I’ve always done,” Murray said in an interview. “I’ve always fought for the people of Washington state and I’ve always run a grassroots campaign.”

Rossi, a polished campaigner who ran unsuccessfully for governor in 2004 and 2008, is using this year’s Republican themes, linking Murray to health care reform, financial regulation and the stimulus. He says Democratic control of the federal government will balloon the deficit, raise taxes, increase spending and make life hard for businesses.

His campaign recently hit Murray for the number of former staffers who work as lobbyists and who attract federal dollars.

Rossi’s attack line, coupled with anti-incumbent anger that could turn three House seats in Washington from Democrat to Republican, has some Republicans believing Murray can be beaten. Recent polls show Murray leading, but the race remains close.

Polls suggest that Republicans are almost certain to take seats from Democrats in North Dakota, Arkansas and Indiana. They have a slightly better than even chance of doing that in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. Seats in Colorado, Illinois, Nevada and West Virginia held by Democrats are too close to call.

That’s nine seats in all.

No wonder the race between Murray and Rossi has become so tense and expensive. Both candidates – along with a collection of big-name surrogates and wealthy interest groups — are saturating the state with ads, staffing phone banks, and financing robo calls and other tools of modern elections.

The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee has reserved $2 million in advertising time while the National Republican Senatorial Committee has pledged to spend $4 million. Outside groups have spent $7.8 million so far. Most of that money is attacking Murray and supporting Rossi.

The tight race has also led to a flurry of visits — President Obama last week, followed by First Lady Michelle Obama on Monday, with Vice President Joe Biden and former President Bill Clinton earlier in the month.

Chris Vance, former chairman of Washington’s Republican Party, says Murray would normally be untouchable. But this year is not normal.

“It’s a perfect nightmare for Patty Murray — a terrible year for Democrats. (Rossi) is one of the very few people in Washington state who can credibly beat her,” he said in an interview.

Vance, who is not part of Rossi’s Campaign, believes the race is less about Murray than about the angry mood of voters.

“Why is Patty Murray in trouble? The tide,” he said. “It’s about the anti-Obama, anti-Nancy Pelosi, anti-Democrat backlash.”

University of Washington political scientist Matt Barreto believes Murray will squeeze out a victory for two reasons. The first is that reports of a Republican blowout nationally will energize Democrats, said Barreto, who directed the Washington Poll.

The other is Murray’s experience as a candidate. “There are no new tricks,” he said, “nothing she hasn’t seen before.”

Murray, running for a fourth term, sidesteps questions about the race’s national impact. But she acknowledges the intensity of the ad wars and says she understands why voters are angry.

“I talk to people about how we got here. It’s a longer story,” she says, referring to an explanation that includes the cost of two wars, plus the cost of stabilizing the economy as well as the financial system.

Murray is hoping her message will win, but even she concedes a truth about the 2010 election:

“It’s so much easier to say, ‘I’m mad, let’s vote them all out.”‘

The Washington Post (which of course is an expert on the “other” Washington), proclaims the Evergreen State’s senate race as a toss up.  This assumes that both Patty Murray and Dino Rossi survive the new “Top Two” primary and advance to battle in November.  Assuming they do both advance, polls seem to show them as very close among likely voter preference.  While the likeliest scenario is that the two most recognizable names in the race do advance, in this Tea Party year, anything is possible on the Republican side.  While it is easy to discount Paul Akers and Clint Didier, the strong anti-incumbent, and anti-establishment passion among conservative voters could really hurt Rossi. Dino Rossi, among the Republicans, is the establishment figure, despite never having won a state-wide race (or at least making his one win stick…).  Add to that the fact that Rossi is an economic conservative, with a more liberal take on the abortion issue, and Sarah Palin’s endorsement of Clint Didier, and we have an interesting mixture that could bite Rossi. 

If Rossi does manage to join Murray in the rarified air of the “Top Two,” he faces the challenge of energizing the conservative voters who currently back Didier, and/or worship Sarah Palin.  If Rossi cannot corral the Republican Party’s usually reliable Eastern Washington base, he will be in serious trouble.  His best shot is to run against President Obama, not against Murray.  Tuesday night will be interesting…

Breaking his silence after days of baiting from Democrats, Senate candidate Dino Rossi on Wednesday staked his stance on the financial regulatory bill pending before Congress.

Turns out that like Democratic incumbent Sen. Patty Murray, Republican Rossi says he’s on the side of Main Street, not Wall Street.

But unlike Murray, Rossi believes the way to show allegiance to the little guy is to vote against the Financial Regulatory Reform Conference Report instead of for it.

Rossi depicted Murray’s planned vote…http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/localnews/2012359132_financialreform15m.html

In a speech on May 21, 2010, Republican Dino Rossi
spoke of policy and politics, but came just short of
saying he will challenge incumbent Democratic Senator
Patty Murray, who is up for re-election this November.
Speculation has centered around Rossi, who has valuable
state-wide name recognition and respect among
conservative voters after two failed, but close,
campaigns against Washington Governor Christine
Gregoire. Other Republicans have softly criticized
Rossi, saying he must make up his mind soon, since many
funding and endorsement decisions stakeholders are
awaiting news as to whether or not Rossi is indeed in the
race. Already declared Republican candidates include
businessman Paul Akers, ex-NFL football player Clint
Didier and state Sen. Don Benton.

Rossi
at Senate Starting Gate: Will He?–by Joel Connely,
Seattle P-I, May 21, 2010

Throughout the night, reports came in that other leading possibilities, including Evan Bayh and Hillary Clinton, reported that they were not the vice-presidential picks.

MICHELLE OBAMA: The potential first lady addresses Democrats at the convention after a rocky summer as the target of conservative attacks. She was harshly criticized by Republicans for her comment that for the first time in her adult life she was proud of the United States — a comment the candidate later said was merely an expression of her pride in high voter interest. The criticism of Michelle Obama led the candidate earlier this year to call for opponents to "lay off my wife." In recent weeks, Michelle Obama has worked to soften her image, talking about raising two daughters in an interview in Ebony magazine and making a June appearance at an Ohio nursing home. Barack Obama’s half-sister, Maya Soetoro-Ng, and Michelle Obama’s older brother, Craig Robinson, also will have roles in the convention.

HOUSE SPEAKER NANCY PELOSI: The nation’s first female speaker of the House, Pelosi opens the convention. Pelosi has represented the San Francisco area in Congress since 1987. Since taking the gavel last year, Pelosi has steered a divided House through an economic stimulus package and opposition to many of President Bush’s initiatives, including an override of Bush’s veto of the 2008 farm bill. But so far she has failed to achieve a top goal since Democrats regained control of the House: halting U.S. combat missions in Iraq. The failure has led to criticism of Pelosi by liberal activists.

SEN. EDWARD KENNEDY: The Massachusetts senator is the subject of a five-minute recorded tribute. Diagnosed with a malignant brain tumor and recently completing radiation and chemotherapy, one of the nation’s best-known Democrats has been keeping a low public profile. The video tribute will be introduced by his niece, Caroline Kennedy.

FORMER PRESIDENT JIMMY CARTER: The former president and Nobel Peace Prize winner from Georgia addresses Democrats on the convention’s opening night. Some in the GOP sees Carter’s early support for Obama as an opening. Republican presidential nominee John McCain has said that if Democrats see a McCain presidency as a third term for Bush, then an Obama victory would be tantamount to a second term for Carter, who lost his 1980 re-election by a wide margin to Ronald Reagan.

SEN. CLAIRE McCASKILL: The Missouri Democrat was the first woman in the Senate to endorse Obama. She spent a week this summer on a bus tour of swing-state Missouri in support of Obama’s candidacy. McCaskill endorsed Obama just after he lost New Hampshire’s Democratic primary to Hillary Clinton, a politically risky move at the time.

REP. JESSE JACKSON JR.: The son of the civil rights activist has represented the Chicago area since a special election in 1995 and is a national co-chairman of Obama’s presidential campaign. In 2004, Jackson was an early supporter of Sen. John Kerry for his party’s presidential nomination. Party leaders say Jackson’s speech will "tell Barack Obama’s life story."

FORMER REP. LEE HAMILTON: Now president of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Hamilton is a prominent Obama supporter from Indiana. After more than 30 years in Congress, Hamilton retired in 1999. He was a top Democrat on the Sept. 11 commission and co-chairman of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group. Hamilton’s April endorsement of Obama helped the candidate’s camp answer the question — "Who do you want to answer the phone at 3 a.m.?" — posed by the Clinton campaign.

NANCY KEENAN: The president of NARAL Pro-Choice America angered some female voters in May by endorsing Obama, even though Clinton was still in the race. Keenan praised Clinton but said the group was endorsing Obama when it became clear he would win the Democratic nomination.

JERRY KELLMAN: The Chicago native hired Obama in the early 1980s as a community organizer for Chicago’s Developing Communities Project and is often cited as a mentor to Obama.

TOM BALANOFF: The president of the Illinois Service Employees International Union also burnishes Obama’s labor credentials. Balanoff has praised Obama’s votes against trade deals such as the Central America Free Trade Agreement.

REG WEAVER: Weaver leads the nation’s largest teachers’ union, the National Education Association. The teachers’ union did not endorse Obama until June, after Obama secured the Democratic nomination. "As long as (Clinton) was a viable candidate in the Democratic nomination process, many of our members felt a passionate need to return the loyalty she has earned over decades of support," Weaver wrote at the time.

RANDI WEINGARTEN: Weingarten is president of the American Federation of Teachers. The 1.4 million-member union endorsed Clinton last October but now backs Obama. Despite support for Obama from both teachers unions, not all educators are happy with Obama, who has spoken in favor of performance-based merit pay for individual public school teachers.

LISA MADIGAN: Illinois’ attorney general has at times been mentioned as a candidate to replace Obama in the U.S. Senate for the remaining two years of his term if he wins the presidency.

DAN HYNES: Like Madigan, Illinois’ comptroller has been mentioned as a possible Obama successor in the Senate. Hynes unsuccessfully challenged Obama for the 2004 Democratic Senate nomination but has since been a major Illinois supporter of Obama’s.

ALEXI GIANNOULIAS: The Illinois treasurer was backed by Obama, an endorsement that helped the banking heir win his seat. In return, Giannoulias helped Obama win support among Greek voters in the Chicago area and has raised more than $250,000 for Obama.

MIGUEL DEL VALLE: Chicago’s city clerk rounds out Monday’s group of Illinois officials talking up the candidate from their home state.

JOHN HICKENLOOPER: Democrats salute host city Denver with a speaking slot for the city’s Democratic mayor.

Source:

http://news.yahoo.com/story//ap/20080822/ap_on_el_pr/convention_speakers_monday_2

Whether or not Craig is really gay or not is probably not provable beyond a shadow of a doubt, but it is clear that he did plead guilty to a public disturbance charge in Minnesota for allegedly seeking gay sex from an undercover police officer in an airport men’s room. Both nationally and in the Pacific Northwest, the Republican Party has suffered from several gay sex scandals recently.

Florida Republican Mark Foley resigned in 2006 after questionable communications with Congressional pages. Though he denied any illegal actions, (and none of his actions were proven illegal), Foley admitted he was gay and resigned from Congress.

In Washington, conservative Republican Jim West lost his Mayoral position in Spokane after a recall election in 2006. This recall followed his outing by the Spokesman-Review and details of how West offered internships to young men in exchange for sexual favors. Allegations also arose over possible sexual abuse of minor from his time as an elected Sheriff in the 1970s.

In 2007, conservative Republican State Representative from the 18th District, Richard Curtis, resigned after an incident where he admitted having sex with a man he met at a Spokane adult bookstore.

In each of these incidents, plus the ongoing Craig issue, the leadership of the Republican Party, whether at the state or federal levels, essentially casts the alleged sexual offender out to the wolves when gay sex is the basis of the scandal in question. Even Trent Lott, whose only public sin was to speak perhaps too honestly in public about how he truly would like America to look like, feels that the Republican Party is too quick to cast out its own to avoid the embarrassment of prolonged scandals.

So, what does all of this mean? To GOP officeholders, it means that you better not screw up in public, or your party leaders will offer to open the exit door for you. For the voting public, this means that the Republican Party is very skittish about any attempt to broaden the coverage of its "Big Tent," (which by the way is a term used by former Vice-Presidential candidate Jack Kemp, who himself was subtly smeared with claims of a non-hetero sex scandal–never proven) to try to pull away some of the diverse groups that make up the chaotic Democratic coalition. There are plenty of gays, blacks, Jews, Hispanics, and other groups who firmly believe in the GOP’s core values–fiscal conservatism, strong law-and-order, pro-life, gun rights, and strong national defense–who are otherwise turned off by the party’s straight, white, Evangelical, native-born appearance and attitude.

To become the true majority party, the GOP must learn to include a majority of voters, gay, straight, or otherwise.

For those of you unfamiliar with Slade’s past history, when he served as Washington’s Attorney General in the 1970s, he sued Major League Baseball over the way in which it allowed Seattle’s MLB franchise (then the Pilots; now the Brewers), to leave for Milwaukee.  That successful bit of legal warfare resulted in the birth of the Seattle Mariners, which MLB was obligated to award to Seattle.  The goal of course with Slade Gorton’s current job is to keep the team in town this time.